New Democrat Update

MAINSTREAM VS. THE EXTREME

Many state pundits and distant observers say Democrats will never do well on Colorado's eastern plains. In their view, everything north, east and southeast of metro Denver is hostile political territory - the newly-drawn Congressional District 4 is simply out of reach.

In reality, CD 4 voters are much like the rest of the state. While somewhat more culturally conservative, they are much more independent than Democratic or Republican. A solid majority are centrists, not liberals or conservatives. On the day-to-day business of government, the large majority of voters want progress, not partisanship, converging toward the center rather than polarizing at the extremes.

State Senate President, Colorado DLC Co-Chair and CD 4 candidate Stan Matsunaka's values and governing philosophy reflect these sentiments - government should be an instrument for solving problems and helping Coloradans improve their own lives. This emphasis on "better government," versus bigger or smaller government, focuses on an agenda that builds for the future, rather than engaging in fruitless, old and tired left-right debates.

For example, Matsunaka has focused on educational standards with teeth, while giving local districts more incentives and tools to meet those goals. He has been a strong advocate of character education in the public schools - teaching civic virtues like courage, respect, responsibility, compassion and integrity. His proposal to provide state agencies cost-cutting incentives demonstrates his commitment to smaller, smarter government.

As the head Democrat in the state legislature, he rejected partisan game-playing and reached across the aisle, trying to bring an end to the never-ending war over carrying concealed weapons and achieving the "art of the possible" by working with Republicans on transportation. He even earned praise from GOP Governor Bill Owens for his leadership.

Just as important, Matsunaka's mainstream views mirror eastern Colorado values. For example, he believes abortion should be safe, legal and rare, but recognizes that many good people of conscience sincerely disagree. Similarly, he has consistently called for a healthy balance between gun rights and responsibilities, a position supported by 65 percent of gun owners. His approach has been to work with gun owners in developing policies that help keep guns out of the hands of criminals and make guns safer in the home.

Matsunaka's probable opponent - State Sen. Marilyn Musgrave - could not be a sharper contrast. Repeatedly referring to herself as a partisan conservative Republican, her agenda is about political warfare, believing the right-wing must keep slugging it out election after election, hoping that eventually it will get its governing mandate.

As an ideological warrior, her record in the state legislature has focused on scoring political points, while ignoring the nuts and bolts of good governing. She opposes abortion, even in cases of rape and incest and says the National Rifle Association is too liberal on gun-rights issues.

Those priorities mean very little to farmers struggling to turn a profit in one of Colorado's driest years ever. They also have nothing to do with voters' concerns about the economy, the education system, and access to quality health care - all of which are Matsunaka's top priorities.

These factors, combined with Matsunaka's past political successes, are causing many Republicans a lot of heartburn. Despite running in a state senate district that has the most Republicans of any in the state (outnumbering Democrats by 20 percent), he defeated a GOP incumbent in 1994 - a very tough Democratic year. Four years later, Republicans pulled out all the stops. A candidate actually dropped out of the state Republican nomination race, avoiding a divisive primary and becoming the campaign manager for Matsunaka's opponent. Despite all the GOP unity and a Republican statewide gubernatorial victory, Matsunaka won again.

The sharp differences between Matsunaka's mainstream governing philosophy and Musgrave's extreme agenda are already showing up in the polls. While now showing the race to be a dead heat, a Garin-Hart-Yang poll reveals independent voters, after hearing a balanced, positive description of both candidates, pick Matsunaka by a two to one margin.

In a nutshell, this campaign boils down to this one very important fundamental - which candidate is best suited to reach across the aisle, share credit with the other party and get something accomplished. Independent voters want their elected officials to be willing to disappoint and perhaps even repudiate the most passionate ideologues in their own party. They want real bipartisanship which means building coalitions from the "center-out," rather than from the "outside-in."

Matsunaka's record as a state legislator and vision for the future fits that bill. Musgrave's is the exact opposite. All of which will show this November.

OWENS ON DRUGS

Colorado desperately needs new, sensible policies that fight crime and save money. We need tough and smart strategies that work - punishment and prevention, community policing and drug treatment.

In major cities, 60 percent to 80 percent of arrestees test positive for at least one drug - about half of those, charged with crimes involving violence or money, test positive for more than one drug. Unfortunately, while 75 percent of Colorado prisoners have a substance abuse problem, only about half get treated. With the state's prison system 67 percent recidivism rate (the frequency with which convicted criminals commit new crimes after release from prison), that means even more crime on the streets.

To help break this costly and never-ending cycle of drug abuse, crime and imprisonment, State Sen. Ken Gordon pushed bipartisan legislation that would have reduced sentences for possession of one gram or less for certain drugs. The resulting savings from lower incarceration costs would be used for drug treatment programs. If the savings did not materialize, the program would be discarded.

At the same time, Gordon's legislation did not reduce sentences for criminals selling or manufacturing drugs. Those failing at treatment would still do prison time.

Drug treatment works. In 1998, a federal Bureau of Prisons study found that in the first six months after release, prisoners who had participated in drug treatment programs were 44 percent less likely to have used drugs again and 73 percent less likely to be re-arrested. In 1992, California's treatment program cost $209 million - but the savings to taxpayers were estimated at $1.5 billion!

Unfortunately, Governor Owens vetoed the bill. His accompanying statement was very weak, indicating, at best, that he and his administration did not understand this new idea.

In the end, Owens could not overcome his own prison - an ideological impulse for retribution and a fear of being perceived as "soft on crime." Despite all the compelling evidence and strong bipartisan support (the measure passed 61-4 in the Republican-controlled House), he chose playing politics over clear-headed leadership.

Unfortunately, Colorado now has one less tool to fight crime and one less fiscal solution to a worsening state budget crunch.